1.0 The Evaluation Committee.
Journalist Frode Rekve, Department of Journalism, Fredrikstad, and Kristin Havgar, editor of Inter Press Service, Oslo.
1.1 The Mandate
The Evaluation Committee received the final written mandate for the assignment on 8.1.99, and the mandate is enclosed in its
entirety.
See Appendix 1.
1.2 Schedule
The Committee travelled to Latin America on 11.1.99 to evaluate projects in Peru, RAM 605, Nicaragua, RAM 605 and RAM 635,
Guatemala, RAM 605 and RAM 635.
We visited Peru from 11.1 ? 17.1.99, Nicaragua from 17.1 ? 21.1.99 and Guatemala from 21.1 ? 30.1. The report was written
en route and was ready on 31.1.99.
1.3 Preparations
The Committee had several meetings with the President of the Norwegian Union of Journalists, Diis Bøhn, in November/December
1998 and a meeting with the Project Co-ordinator in Latin America, Katia Gil, in December .
Before the journey, the Committee examined all applications and reports on the projects in question. The Committee also closely
studied the evaluation report "Further Training for Journalists, Latin America", written by Einar Hagvaag and Fátima Valdés
Haugstveit in 1995.
The Committee also had conversations about the journalist project with the former President of NJ, Alf Skjeseth, several experts
on Latin America in the Norwegian press, the Norwegian Embassy in Guatemala and Norwegian aid organisations in the area.
1.4 Meetings, Consultations and Working Methods.
In our evaluation work, we have used a standard journalistic method based on in-depth interviews with individuals and organisations.
We have also made extensive use of written material such as reports, articles and books. The working language has been Spanish
throughout.
We have attached great importance to meeting individuals who and organisations which have not had a direct connection to the
project in order to have as objective and independent a picture as possible of how the projects have worked. We have met all
the partners in the countries which we visited as well as many course participants, students, journalists and editors.
A chronological outline of the meetings is given below.
Peru
Asociacion Nacional de Periodistas del Peru (the National Peruvian Union of Journalists), Kela Leon, independent journalist,
Consejo de Prensa Peruana (the Peruvian Press Council), editors and journalists of the two largest newspapers in Peru, El
Commercio and La Republica, Instituto Prensa y Sociedad (the Press Institute), Defensor del Pueblo (the People?s Ombudsman),
Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos (an umbrella organisation for all human rights groups), editor Enrique Zileri of the magazine
Caretas, students who are taking a degree course in journalism via remote teaching, students and teachers at the College of
Journalism "Jaime Bausate y Mesa", which is run by the National Peruvian Union of Journalists. We have also studied reports
from the law organisation Comision Andina de Juristas.
Nicaragua
Sindicato Nacional de Periodistas de Nicaragua (the National Nicaraguan Union of Journalists), editors and journalists of
the closed-down newspaper Barricada, Union de Periodistas de Nicaragua (press organisation for journalists, editors and newspaper
owners), students, teachers and the vice-chancellor at the university Universidad Autonoma de Nicaragua, students, teachers
at the university URACCAN (the university in the autonomous Atlantic region), visits to several independent radio stations
on the Atlantic coast, Asociacion de Periodistas de Nicaragua (a Conservative press organisation) and several independent
journalists in the national press organisations, independent NGOs and in the UN system.
Guatemala
Elsy Manzanares and Katia Gil, representatives of FIP/IFJ, Cooperacion Departamentales de Guatemala (organisation for journalists
in rural districts), Periodistas para el Desarollo (organisation for young journalists), Sindicato de Trabajadores de la Comunicacion
Social de Guatemala (the Guatemalan Union of Journalists), Asociacion de Periodistas de Guatemala (press organisation for
journalists, editors and newspaper owners), Procurador de los Derechos Humanos (the Human Rights Representative), Escuela
de Sciencias de la Communicacion de la Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala (the College of Journalism at the University
of San Carlos), the editors of the large newspapers La Hora and Prensa Libre, the Norwegian Ambassador in Guatemala, Arne
Aasheim. In Guatemala, the Committee also had meetings and conversations with several international voluntary organisations
such as Oxfam, Project Counselling Services, the Norwegian People?s Relief Association, Norwegian Church Aid and the Norwegian
Refugee Council. The Committee also met people who work in various UN organisations and in the Catholic Church in order to
discuss the press and the conditions for freedom of speech in Guatemala.
2.0 Background and History
The previous history of and background for the journalist projects in Latin America has been thoroughly and well described
in the evaluation report "Further Training for Journalists in Latin America" by Einar Hagvaag and Fátima Valdés Haugstveit
in 1995. The Committee shares the opinions put forth in this report, and we therefore find it unnecessary to repeat the history.
We refer to pages 8-32 in Hagvaag/Haugstveit?s report. A copy is enclosed. (See Appendix 2).
3.0 Evaluation Themes
3.1 RAM 605 PERU
Meeting of Objective ? Further Training Courses for Journalists
The journalist project RAM 605 commenced in Peru in 1990, and no project grants have been allocated to the local partner Asociacon
Nacional de Periodistas de Peru, ANP, since the evaluation in 1995. From 1990 to 1993, ANP received close to NOK 1 million
a year to build up the trade union, strengthen human rights and for further training.
In addition, ANP has received various types of support from NJ, including for the purchase of an offset press. Everything
indicates that ANP has spent the money well. Already before RAM 605 completed its commitments in the country, ANP ran a considerable
degree of own-financed training. During the past nine years, ANP has held a number of courses and conferences for journalists
from all over Peru. To begin with, they brought in teachers from the neighbouring countries of Ecuador, Columbia and Venezuela.
In 1998, more than 2000 journalists participated in various regional ANP courses in connection with the local elections. ANP
also runs its own college of journalism in Lima ? Jaime Bausate y Mesa. This college enjoys a high standing in Peru.
By means of Norwegian funds, the college also provides extensive remote teaching. In Peru, this is an excellent way to provide
training and education in view of the large distances and lack of and expensive communications. Five years ago, 200 students,
48 women and 152 men, began the five-year remote teaching degree course. Of all these students, 84 have achieved the degree
Bachiller de Periodismo, a lower degree for basic training in journalism. 81 have achieved the degree Licenciado en Periodismo.
This is a university degree which lies somewhere between a Master of Arts and an honours degree in Norway.
35 students have dropped out of their studies for various reasons. Considering all the social and economic problems which
exist in Peru, it must be regarded as a successful meeting of the objective that 83 per cent of the students have completed
an approved course in journalism through ANP. The price for this remote teaching degree course has been approx. NOK 750 per
semester per student. This includes textbooks and expenses for regional seminars and workshops.
According to all annual reports from 1991 and up to today, the ANP courses have primarily catered for journalists with no
formal training. This is also stated in the previous Evaluation Committee?s report from 1995. The objective of primarily reaching
journalists with no formal training in journalism must consequently be said to have been met to a great extent.
Meeting of Objective ? The Professional Level
The courses in Peru have clearly resulted in an improvement of the journalists? professional level. This was confirmed to
us by all the people we spoke to both in and outside ANP. Several people particularly stressed that the quality of journalism
in the rural districts had been improved. In Peru, radio is the most important mass medium, and pressmen in Lima told us that
they could almost hear that the journalists had been on a course. The People?s Ombudsman (El Defensor del Pueblo) told us
that knowledge of human rights issues among journalists in Peru had increased considerably in recent years.
He took up the office of Ombudsman five years ago and naturally follows the media closely. The Secretary General of the umbrella
organisation for the human rights groups, Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos, Sofia Matcher Batanero, pointed out that the media
have generally become better at taking up infringements of human rights and human rights issues. The knowledge of this subject
had improved considerably, she said.
Meeting of Objective ? The Role of the Journalist
Measuring the journalists? own view of their role and awareness is not easy. This is something which we also struggle with
in Norway. Year after year, the Department of Journalism and the Association of Norwegian Newspaper Editors hold regular courses
and seminars on this important theme. We approached the issue by talking with course participants and journalism students
in Peru. It was striking to hear how proud they were of their profession and how conscious they were of their important social
role.
Unemployment is high among journalists in Peru. Many of the journalism students did not have any regular jobs and had to make
do with single assignments from time to time. Unfortunately, they undertake these assignments at very low pay, but as several
of them stated: "Doing the job is more important than the pay, because what we have to say is so important." At the graduation
ceremony for the 5-year degree course at the college of journalism, "Jaime Bausate y Mesa", several of the students said that
they regarded their profession as a calling and a privilege. We find it remarkable that they are prepared to face an uncertain
future with great enthusiasm. As mentioned, unemployment is very high among journalists in Peru, and the trend is towards
jobs which are paid on an assignment basis instead of permanent employment.
When we talked to the hotel staff and ordinary people around Lima, it was clear that at least the best known and critical
journalists in Peru enjoy high recognition among many people. In a country with a lack of democratic institutions and a complete
absence of the principle of free access to public records, the independent media become, so to speak, the sole channels of
information for most people. People know this and they appreciate them.
Meeting of Objective ? Trade Union Formation
Asociacion Nacional de Periodistas de Peru has no doubt been the strongest trade union of journalists in Peru. Not least because
of the assistance from NJ/IFJ/NORAD (the Norwegian Directorate for Development Co-operation). This was the first trade union
in Latin America to become affiliated to IFJ in 1984. The trade union has grown, and today it has 7,500 members throughout
the country. Some people whom we met who were not connected with ANP were sceptical of the number of members. However, we
were allowed to see the membership register, but, naturally, we have no way of checking whether all the information is correct.
However, what many people outside the trade union point out is that ANP is very strong in the provinces where the requirement
for a trade union is strongest.
ANP is the only press organisation in Peru which deals with trade union issues such as pay, working conditions and social
security for its members. The trade union has 15 local agreements for its members. It is important to remember that the trade
unions are generally in a very weak position in Peru. They were nearly completely wiped out under various military dictatorships.
Through the conversations which we had with all the press organisations and several journalists, it was confirmed that pure
trade union issues are not particularly high on the agenda, at least not in Lima.
The journalists in the largest media in Lima are generally not organised. The National Press Council, Consejo de la Prensa,
and the Press Institute, IPYS, had a good relationship with ANP, but they were more concerned with freedom of speech issues
and press ethics.
In Peru, the press does not have a "Be Careful poster", but Consejo de la Prensa has set up a sort of Ethical Tribunal of
the Press, Tribunal Etica, which has functioned in Lima for a year. ANP participates in this work. Consejo de la Prensa receives
support from the Forum for Freedom of Speech in Norway.
The managements of both the newspapers La Republica and El Comercio were naturally pleased that their journalists were on
the whole not organised in trade unions. On neither of these newspapers was collective bargaining conducted on pay and working
hours. El Comercio recently gave notice of dismissal to several tens of journalists and is moving increasingly towards paying
its reporters on an assignment basis.
ANP has several financial legs to stand on. The trade union earns income from the offset press, hire of premises and course
fees. ANP has become a self-supporting financial unit. In Peru, RAM 605 can be said to have met the objective to be a permanent
and sustainable project.
Assaults on Journalists and Infringements of Their Fundamental Rights
Since 1995, the attacks on the press and journalists have decreased in Peru. In the 80s, it was quite common for journalists
to be persecuted, imprisoned, abducted and killed in Peru. According to ANP?s figures, 18 journalists have been killed in
the country in the past eleven years. Peru was regarded as one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists.
The military rulers also closed down several newspapers, radio stations and TV stations. In the largest newspaper in the country,
El Comercio, we saw with our own eyes the last, brave message which the editor wrote to the aggressors. "Volveremos" ? We
will return!
Even though the aggression and threats against the media have decreased, Peru is still regarded as one of the most unsafe
countries for journalists according to the international Paris-based organisation Journalists without Frontiers (Reporteurs
sans frontières). The editor of the newspaper La Republica, Blanca Rosales, told us that she was kidnapped in broad daylight
in one of the streets of Lima last autumn. She was not hurt, nor was anything stolen from her. The intention was obviously
to intimidate her and the newspaper.
Suppression of freedom of speech has also taken new and more sophisticated forms. Nevertheless, we must mention that two journalists
were killed in Peru in 1998, and that six journalists are still in prison according to statistics from ANP, Instituto de Prensa
y Sociedad and the human rights organisation Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos de Peru. See the enclosed reports. (Appendix
3).
The enclosed reports and statistics show that journalists are now particularly exposed to various oral and written threats.
It is interesting to note that the organisation IPYS has set up its own free phone line, which threatened journalists can
call to talk about their problems. Just from November 1998 to January 1999, IPYS received 38 such cases (Appendix 4). The
organisation offers legal assistance and sees to it that the cases are reported in the press and to the People?s Ombudsman
in Peru. IPYS has also initiated meetings between pressmen, the military authorities and the police.
ANP also follows up on complaints about infringements of freedom of speech, but first and foremost from its own members. This
is very important because ANP is obviously strongest in the provinces where the journalists are most unprotected against aggression.
The free independent press in Peru is also still being exposed to various financial and legal penal measures from the authorities.
The People?s Ombudsman, Jorge Santistevan de Noriega, said the following to us on 13.1.99: "Unfortunately, democracy has a
very weak foundation here in Peru. The continuous and sophisticated infringements of the freedom of speech are a disgrace
to our country". The international Andine law organisation Comision Andina de Juristas puts it as follows: "In Peru, President
Alberto Fujimori and his Government have turned the judicial system into an instrument which persecutes any opposition instead
of ensuring that it is an institution which is to protect the rights of the citizens." As most journalists, we must also be
allowed to quote a known and much used source ? i.e. the cab drivers in Lima. Every time we passed the Palace of Justice in
the city, they called the building the "Palace of Injustice ? El Palacio de Injusticia".
The same day on which we arrived in Lima, Congress member Martha Chavez of Fujimori?s party tabled a Bill which would impose
a statutory obligation on journalists to disclose all their sources if required by the police or the public authorities. This
Bill created much debate in the press and on radio and TV throughout Peru, and after four days of intense debate the President
himself withdrew it. For us, this was a good example of how the Peruvian public authorities show a very clear disregard for
one of the most fundamental rights of the press. The debate also showed that, despite everything, Peru has a combative, resilient
press corps. The only media to support the Bill were the Government?s own papers and TV and radio stations.
Another important current event in Peru?s media world is the closing down of the independent TV station Canal 2 right before
Christmas. This was a critical TV channel which gave extensive coverage to infringements of human rights and corruption in
Peru. Canal 2 gradually became such a thorn in the side of the public authorities that they quite simply stripped the company?s
Director of his Peruvian nationality and closed down the channel. People without Peruvian nationality are not permitted to
run or own media in the country.
The Government in Peru finances a number of so-called yellow newspapers. This is a type of sensationalist tabloids with naked
women on the front page, scandals and lots of sports coverage. These newspapers only cost 0.50 soles. Independent newspapers
cost 3.50 soles. Because of the hopeless economic situation in Peru (half the population is below the UN?s poverty limit),
it goes without saying that many people buy these newspapers instead of the independent newspapers, which are more expensive.
For example, the Government-supported newspaper Tio is the second largest in Peru. In all these yellow newspapers, regular
virulent campaigns are conducted against journalists in independent media who carry on investigative journalism. The large
newspaper La Republica is known for its investigative journalism and for several embarrassing revelations of corruption in
the Armed Forces and the Government. We met with the newspaper?s prize-winning reporter, Angel Paez, who could tell us and
document that the newspaper Tio had conducted a continuous campaign against him and La Republica for 76 days. He was never
allowed to respond to these allegations. He was accused of being a spy from Ecuador, a Sendero Luminoso supporter, a bandit,
an abuser of women, a drug addict, etc. This type of attacks on named reporters by the Government-controlled media is of worry
and concern to the journalists and press organisations in Peru.
3.2 RAM 605 NICARAGUA
Meeting of Objective ? Courses and Further Training
In Nicaragua, RAM 605 began in 1994, and, throughout, the partner has been Sindicato Nacional de Periodistas de Nicaragua
? SNPN. This trade union was formed in connection with journalist measures implemented by NJ/IFJ/UD/NORAD in Nicaragua. Since
1994, SNPN has organised a number of short courses and seminars for journalists throughout Nicaragua. See the enclosed statistics
on courses held in the period 1995-1999. The courses have dealt with general journalism as a source as well as method, ethics,
development of ideas, language and radio journalism. Computer courses have also been held for journalists. The courses in
human rights issues, democracy and elections will be dealt with under the review of RAM 635. As in most other Latin American
countries, training in journalism in Nicaragua has been highly inadequate. Therefore, it is correct to say that, to a great
extent, the courses have catered for journalists who do not have sufficient formal training as journalists. The courses have
not only been available to members of the trade union, and many women have participated.
Meeting of Objective ? Co-operation with Universities on Training in Journalism
Universidad Autonoma de Nicaragua ? UNAN
In 1994, RAM 605 began the establishment of a network for further training of journalists at university level in Central America.
Co-operation agreements were gradually entered into with universities in Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala and in Nicaragua.
In Nicaragua, agreements were entered into with the universities UNAN and URACCAN ? the university on the autonomous Atlantic
coast where a very large number of the students are ethnic Miskitu Indians. At both these universities, the curricula have
been organised in co-operation with the union of journalists, SNPN.
On 18 January 1999, 20 journalism students graduated from UNAN. These students have followed a part-time curriculum which
leads to an approved degree in journalism. Several of them are to continue their studies for another year to take a licentiate.
35 students originally started on this course, but 15 have thus dropped out for financial or social reasons. It is important
to remember that this course is very demanding with an extensive curriculum and that all the students have full-time jobs
in addition to their studies. None of the students lives in the capital Managua in which the university is located. Most of
them have a long and hard journey to UNAN.
The course in journalism has come under the Department of Philology, and the curriculum has probably been highly influenced
by this. However, SNPN has had an opportunity to discuss the curriculum with the faculty leadership in order to strengthen
the journalistic content.
The faculty leadership particularly emphasised that precisely these journalism students were at the head of the students?
aid work after Hurricane Mitch had rampaged through Nicaragua. They were adults with contacts in the press and were used to
relating to working life and reality. Our general impression was that these students have added many new elements to UNAN.
Costs and Distribution
RAM 605 covers practically all expenses for the course, whereas the university makes premises and planning resources available.
The university also contacts relevant teachers. For the students, the course is virtually free. NJ/FIP originally supported
the project with $ 6,600 per semester. This amount was reduced to $ 5,800 as many students had to drop out of the course.
This means that the costs per student have been approx. NOK 2000 per semester. None of the students had any possibility of
paying for the studies themselves. Merely the transport to and from Managua for the various lectures has clearly been difficult
enough to afford for the participants.
Co-operation with NJ/IFJ ? Continuation of the Project
The National Union of Journalists has been in contact with UNAN about this project throughout. IFJ has interfered little with
this co-operation. Both the vice-chancellor at UNAN, Francisco Guzman Pasos, and the dean at the faculty, Alejandro Genet
Cruz, told us that they were very pleased with the measure from IFJ/SNPN to have a course in journalism. They also both regretted
that the project had now been concluded and that the university did not have funds to continue.
What Now?
According to all the parties (IFJ, UNAN, SNPN) with which we spoke, the training project at UNAN was extremely valuable. Everyone
regretted that it cannot be continued. The project contributes to strengthening the professionalism in Nicaraguan media and
improves the quality of the communication of news, the reason being that the participants work full-time and part-time in
existing media. The project contributes to strengthening the conditions for freedom of speech and democracy in Nicaragua,
which is the idea behind the whole journalist project in Latin America. In our opinion, it should be a simple matter to follow
up on this project through NORAD?s office/embassy in Managua in co-operation with the National Union of Journalists, SNPN.
The trade union is well organised and seems extremely credible and confidence-inspiring, which all project reports made over
the years ascertain.
URACCAN The University on the Autonomous Atlantic Coast
The university URACCAN was established in 1994. The university is located on the Nicaraguan Atlantic coast and is housed in
the premises of the former military base in the area. Before this, there were no training offers at university level in the
area. Young people who wanted to study at a university had to move to Managua and live there. Hardly anyone could afford to
do so. The Atlantic coast in Nicaragua is, to put it mildly, very remote and inaccessible. One member of our evaluation group,
Frode Rekve, has two years? experience in carrying on project work for the Norwegian Refugee Council and the Norwegian People?s
Relief Association on the Atlantic coast from 1988 ? 1990 and knows how heavy going it is to work there.
In 1996, NJ/IFJ and the National Union of Journalists, SPNP, commenced negotiations on setting up a two-year training course
in journalism for people who work in the media on the coast, but who do not have any formal training in journalism. This project
was quickly established, and 17 students are now studying in Puerto Cabezas, the capital of the Northern Autonomous Atlantic
Coastal Region, RAAN (Region Autonoma Atlantico Norte), and 25 in Bluefields, the capital of the Southern Autonomous Atlantic
Coastal Region, RAAS (Region Autonoma Atlantico Sur).
The training on the Atlantic coast concentrates on autonomy and self-government, human rights, Indian issues, ethnic culture,
agriculture and health as well as pure journalism subjects.
Great importance is attached to radio training, as this is the most important medium on the coast. The curricula are otherwise
partly based on the equivalent curricula at UNAN. (Appendix 5).
The training course is nearly free for the participants. The university URACCAN also receives support from SAIH (The Norwegian
Students? and Graduates? International Aid Work Organisation), SIDA (the Swedish International Development Agency) and FINIDA
(the Finnish Development Agency).
The Way Forward
The leadership and students at URACCAN were very pleased with the co-operation with NJ/IFJ/SNPN. The project would never have
got under way without the initiative and financial support from there. Without continued support, the project will disappear.
There is a continued need for training of journalists on the Atlantic coast, and, therefore, this project could also be run
via NORAD in Managua in co-operation with SNPN.
Meeting of Objective ? The Professional Level
The professional level among journalists in Nicaragua has been improved considerably through both the degree course in journalism
at UNAN and URACCAN and at all short-term courses and seminars which have been held in the country. This was confirmed to
us by journalists, editors, independent NGOs and people who work in the UN system in Nicaragua. Out on the coast, people said
the same thing; the radio programmes had become of a better quality after the reporters had attended a course. But the technical
radio equipment is old and quite worn down. It was commonplace to see that amplifiers and cassette players were held together
with string and wire. Combs and used toothbrushes were used to hold buttons and knobs in place!
Meeting of Objective ? The Role of the Journalist
All students with whom we talked stated that the courses and the training had made them more aware of their important social
task. The students David Lopez and Pilar Oporta on the Atlantic coast put it as follows: The university course has meant an
awful lot to us and we now feel like professional journalists.
The former SNPN official, Lourdes Osorio, claimed that the owners of most of the central radio stations would prefer to have
untrained radio reporters who they do not have to pay very much. She told us that several of the participants on radio courses
held under the auspices of SNPN have been able to ask for a pay increase after the courses. The courses have quite simply
resulted in increased self-respect among the reporters.
Meeting of Objective ? Trade Union Formation
When SNPN was formed in 1994, there were already two press organisations in Nicaragua. One, Union de Periodistas de Nicaragua,
UPN, was closely linked to the Sandinistas. The other, Asosiacion de Periodistas de Nicaragua. was characterised as more Somozistic.
These are the classic opposite sides in the country. Both organisations recruited journalists, editors and media owners.
When NJ/IFJ took the initiative to create a national union of journalists, both these existing organisations were used as
a basis. The first trade union executive committee in SNPN had members from both these organisations.
From its tender beginning in November 1994, the trade union now has 490 members throughout Nicaragua and enjoys a high standing
in the press environment and in society. Several well-known journalists in the large media are members. Our impression is
that SNPN has gradually developed into functioning as a builder of bridges in the heavily polarised Nicaraguan society. The
trade union attaches great importance to being an independent organisation and not a political instrument. SNPN has also undertaken
important tasks in the Latin American journalist network by arranging courses in trade union work for shop stewards from the
whole region.
Unemployment is very high among journalists in Nicaragua, and there is a tendency towards foreign investors taking over the
media. SNPN has two main objectives: to ensure the journalists of trade union rights and to carry on training activities aimed
at creating greater professionalism and respect for freedom of speech. Since its formation, the trade union has been involved
in 11 industrial disputes and has won them all. It is a characteristic feature of the complicated situation in Nicaragua that
several of the cases have been against the Sandinistas? previous party paper Barricada.
SNPN has a separate women?s issues secretary and is committed to equality issues because they regard women as being the most
vulnerable group in the difficult economic situation which the country is facing. The trade union attaches importance to making
its members aware of women?s issues.
SNPN is the only press organisation in Nicaragua which carries on training and course activities at national level and on
the coast.
Unlike APN in Peru, SNPN has no financial legs to stand on. This trade union will have serious problems the day the financial
support from NJ/IFJ stops. The trade union is housed in the premises of UPN, and this is in itself unfortunate.
What equipment there is must be described as very worn and poor. In spite of incredibly difficult conditions in terms of equipment
and a highly polarised political situation, we must say that SNPN gives a very solid and trust-worthy impression. The will
to carry on good trade union work is tangible. The trade union does not need large resources to keep things up, but without
support everything that has been achieved will be lost.
The General Situation for Journalists in Nicaragua
The journalists in Nicaragua have not been exposed to the same type of attacks and infringements of their rights as their
colleagues in many other Latin American countries during the past decade. We have to go back all the way to the Somoza era
(1937-79) to find reports on killings and serious assaults.
Paradoxically, it is the Sandinista press which has been the most difficult obstacle for pressmen in the country. After the
elections in 1990, in which the Sandinistas lost, large problems occurred in Barricada. In 1998, the party paper was closed
down and more than 200 people lost their jobs. Before then, journalists had had to resort to hunger strikes and other measures
to have their wages paid. The newspaper still owes many of its employees pay for several months.
Another difficult matter for the journalists in Nicaragua was the closing down of the TV channel Canal 6. More than 100 people
lost their jobs when it was closed down.
Unemployment and pay issues are probably the largest problems for journalists in Nicaragua. The owners of the media also here
tend to pay their employees on an assignment basis, fewer and fewer journalists are employed on a permanent basis.
The trade union SNPN has plans to set up its own independent radio station in the capital Managua. This is a very interesting
experiment to follow up on.
3.3 RAM 605 GUATEMALA
Meeting of Objective ? Measures for Courses and Further Training
NJ/IFJ first established contact with the journalists in Guatemala in 1991 after the murder of the wife of the journalist
Byron Barrea. He was himself injured in the attack. NJ/IFJ contacted Asosiacion de Periodistas de Guatemala, APG, and together
they contacted diplomats, the Human Rights Representative and the Government in order to have the continuous attacks on pressmen
stopped in Guatemala. In the course of three years, 18 journalists were killed in Guatemala.
NJ/IFJ and APG have held press conferences and seminars on the theme.
Since then, NJ/IFJ have had extensive activities in Guatemala with courses, training, seminars and workshops in journalism,
language, ethics, human rights, democracy and the peace process. (We also deal with this under RAM 635).
NJ/IFJ opened their own local office in Guatemala in 1994. We also deal with this under RAM 635.
The measures for courses and further training under RAM 605 in Guatemala have reached many journalists in both Guatemala City
and in the provinces. (See the enclosed statistics). The response to the courses has been great, and there have hardly been
any cancelled courses.
In Guatemala, pressmen with whom we have spoken say that the ordinary journalist training is, if anything, even worse than
in Nicaragua. We did not meet a single person who could say anything flattering about the journalist training. Even at the
University of San Carlos they admitted that the training was poor.
The courses have first and foremost catered for participants with minimal or poor training. They have also been aimed at the
majority of the population in Guatemala, the Maya Indians. Women have also participated in the courses, but we must bear in
mind that the share of women among the journalists in Guatemala is very low, much lower than in Nicaragua.
Meeting of Objective ? Co-operation with Universities on Training in Journalism
Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, Escuela de Siencias de la Communicacion
(Below simply called San Carlos)
In 1989/90, Vice-chancellor Carlos Interiano at Escuela de Siencias de la Communicacion at the University of San Carlos prepared
a proposal for a new degree course in journalism at San Carlos. He contacted IFJ, but the project was put on ice when he left
his position as vice-chancellor.
In 1995, Carlos Interiano returned as vice-chancellor at the faculty, and, at that time, NJ/IFJ had established their own
office in Guatemala. Now things took off, and the preparation of the project was completed by Vice-chancellor Interiano and
NJ/IFJ?s representative Elsy Manzanares, and the project was presented to the Board at the University and (unfortunately)
to the trade union Sindicato de Trabajadores de Comunicacion Social de Guatemala ? STCSG. The co-operation with this trade
union has been very unsuccessful. You could say that if the relationship has not been characterised by magical realism, it
has at least had a distinct mark of surrealism about it. (We will return to this under the section on the meeting of objective
for trade union formation).
When everything was ready for the signing of an agreement between NJ/IFJ, the national trade union STCSG and the University
of San Carlos, the trade union suddenly pulled out of the training co-operation. The trade union felt that this co-operation
was discriminatory, as the training offer was not open to everyone. The intention was, as in Nicaragua, that the studies were
to be offered virtually for free to the students so that journalists with no funds from rural districts could participate
in the course. When STCSG pulled out, there was no longer a basis for NJ/IFJ participating in financing the project. Vice-chancellor
Carlos Interiano deeply regretted this
The University of San Carlos nevertheless proceeded with the plans and established a five-year course in journalism in 1996.
But this is a course for which the students pay themselves. This has had the result that hardly any students from the provinces
attend the course, and most students come from wealthy families. We can, for example, mention that the editor-in-chief at
Guatemala?s largest newspaper, Prensa Libre, is attending the course, whereas editor Eulalia Camposeco of the Maya-language
newspaper El Regional had to drop out of the course after a short period of time because she could not afford it.
Vice-chancellor Interiano at the University of San Carlos regrets that the project did not come to anything in its intended
form. "We would then have reached those who really have the greatest need for this training, that is the journalists in the
rural districts and others who do not have formal journalist training," he says. The vice-chancellor further states that he
has received inquiries from ten counties which would like to have a total of 40 ? 50 places on the course, but when they hear
the price, they all withdraw their interest.
Here we have an example of NJ/IFJ having failed completely with a training project. The idea was good, all parties are in
agreement on this, but the result was the complete opposite of what NJ/IFJ had intended. Instead of being a course aimed at
journalists from the provinces without formal training, it has become a course for established editors, UN people and well-funded
pressmen in Guatemala City. But we should not forget that after all Guatemala has acquired a much better course in journalism
with this project. The curriculum looks very solid, and established editors such as the editor of Prensa Libre, Marroquin
Godoy, have been boasting about the project.
There is much to indicate that NJ/IFJ chose the wrong partner. But what should NJ/IFJ have done? In Guatemala, there are 14
different press organisations, but only one trade union in the traditional sense of the word. None of the other thirteen organisations
(the association of sports journalists, the association of culture columnists, etc.) could have been an operative partner
for NJ/IFJ and the University of San Carlos. The only organisation which is attached to the project to some degree is APG
? Asosiacion de Periodistas de Guatemala. This is a kind of national press organisation which organises media owners, editors
and a few ordinary journalists.
The chosen partner, STCSG, turned out to be completely hopeless to co-operate with. Unlike the trade unions which we met in
Peru and Nicaragua, STCSG was, if anything, opposed to NJ/IFJ establishing anything in Guatemala.
NJ/IFJ have, however, developed good co-operation with a couple of new organisations for young journalists and journalists
in rural districts, but these are not suitable as partners in this university project. (See the section on trade union formation).
Meeting of Objective ? The Role of the Journalist/The Professional Level
After the RAM 605 measures in Guatemala, there has been a process of professionalisation among the journalists. So say the
journalists themselves, the editors, the Human Rights Representative, NGO people who have lived in the country for a long
time (Petter Skauen, KN, Beate Thoresen, Oxfam, Hans Petter Buvollen, NoFo, Johanna Alberle, PCS), people who work in the
UN system, the Catholic Church and staff at the Norwegian Embassy in Guatemala. There is no reason to doubt the correctness
of this.
Ambassador Arne Aasheim and his adviser Jon Otto Brøholdt who work on NORAD cases in Guatemala agreed that it is difficult
to evaluate whether the role of the journalist has been strengthened. Brøholdt said outright that he felt that having this
as a project objective was a mistake. But they pointed out that the self-awareness and understanding of the profession have
been strengthened among the journalists who have participated in NJ/IFJ courses.
(On human rights/democracy, see RAM 635).
Meeting of Objective ? Trade Union Formation
As mentioned, NJ/IFJ have had great problems in its co-operation with the only trade union of journalists in Guatemala ? Sindicato
de Trabajadores de la Comunicacion Social de Guatemala. Instead, NJ/IFJ have supported the establishment of two alternative
organisations, Periodistas para el Desarollo (Journalists for Development) and Cooperacion de Periodistas Departamentales
de Guatemala (The Co-operative for Regional Journalists), COOPEDEGUA.
The co-operation with STCSG began in 1993, and the whole story is one long successive failure. This is not only NJ/IFJ?s opinion.
All other press organisations with which we were in contact confirmed the problems. And this was also confirmed at a meeting
which we had with Secretary General Benedicto Giron of the union. He did not know when the union had been formed, he did not
know how many members they had, he was not sure of how often they had meetings, he could not give an account of the objectives
and activities, and he generally only made negative comments about all those whom we had met or were to meet.
NJ/FIP obtained an office for STCSG with equipment, including a fax machine, in 1996. All the equipment at this office was
stolen by the then Secretary General, who took off to Canada with the equipment! As previously mentioned, the union ruined
the co-operation with the University of San Carlos ? much to everyone?s surprise. In short, the co-operation with STCSG involves
a series of breaches, theft, deceit and tricks.
NJ/IFJ commenced co-operation with COOPDEGUA in 1997. This regional organisation of journalists has existed since 1989 and
has approx. 70 members. Of these, only 8 are women. The organisation works at grass-root level throughout Guatemala. It has
contact persons in 22 counties.
The objective is to carry on course activities and training in the regions. The co-operation with NJ/IFJ has primarily concerned
courses in human rights, democracy, the peace process and Indian issues. (RAM 635).
Another partner is Periodistas para el Desarollo ? the Journalists for Development. This co-operation has existed since 1996.
The organisation primarily consists of young journalists. Most of the members are female radio journalists. The Journalists
for Development have had Norwegian-supported courses, conferences and seminars in rural districts in Guatemala. The members
have also participated at conferences on trade union issues with participants from the whole of Central America.
The Situation for Journalists in Guatemala
Under the military dictatorships and the civil war in the 80s, Guatemala was one of the most dangerous countries in the world
for journalists. Many were killed, tortured and kidnapped. Newspapers, radio stations and TV channels were closed down, and
there was general censorship.
Conditions improved somewhat when Guatemala had its first legally elected President for more than 40 years in 1985. But right
up to the signing of the Peace Agreement in 1996, the situation was difficult for journalists in Guatemala. On 28 February
1996, the journalist Vinicio Pacheco was kidnapped after he had revealed corruption in the Armed Forces. He later managed
to escape to Costa Rica. He is now back in Guatemala working for the newspaper Siglo 21. He is the last example of direct
violent assault on journalists in Guatemala.
No pressmen say that there is full freedom of the press in Guatemala. The public authorities and the Armed Forces have their
methods for preventing the press from becoming too critical. Among other things, they apply pressure on advertisers to refrain
from buying advertisements in these media.
In this way, both the critical radio station Guatemala Flash and the magazine Siglo 21 have lost their financial basis. The
Human Rights Representative in Guatemala has publicly criticised President Arzu for this policy. The Human Rights Representative
states in his resolution that this is an infringement of the freedom of speech.
The Deputy Head of the Human Rights Representative?s Office, Marco Antonio Aguilar, told us that he still thinks that the
journalists in Guatemala are brave.
The press in Guatemala continues to be bought up by foreign, in particular Mexican, media groups. Today there are only two
newspapers which can be called completely independent in Guatemala. These are the largest newspapers in the country, Prensa
Libre and La Hora. Incidentally, the latter was burgled while we were in the country, and only documents were stolen. Editor
Oscar Marroquin Rojas has no doubt that the burglary forms part of the oppression of newspapers. The Human Rights Representative
has protested against the burglary in La Hora and has asked the Government to ensure that the matter is carefully investigated.
IFJ has done the same.
Conclusion RAM 605
After having visited and evaluated the RAM 605 projects in Peru, Nicaragua and Guatemala and having studied the annual reports
for the RAM 605 projects in the rest of Latin America, we are of the opinion that RAM 605 has generally been a successful
project.
The objectives have been met to a great extent.
A large number of further training courses have been held for untrained journalists, trade unions have been established in
18 countries and have been given support, and shop stewards have received training in trade union work. Even though it was
not an objective that the project was to be self-supporting, this has actually been the case regarding Peru, Paraguay, Argentina
and Venezuela. In other places, such as in Nicaragua, everything indicates that the trade unions will continue to need support.
Through the network co-operation with the universities, the basic training for journalists has been strengthened, and the
courses have generally contributed to increased knowledge and improved skills among the journalists. The role of the profession
and even the awareness among journalists have also been strengthened.
In several countries, new journalist and press organisations have seen the light of day as a side-effect of RAM 605. The debate
on freedom of speech and freedom of the press has been put on the agenda.
The assaults on journalists and infringements of their rights have decreased in Latin America during the past ten years, but
whether this can be directly attributed to RAM 605 is probably doubtful. But RAM 605 has undoubtedly contributed to creating
greater awareness of infringements of human rights in the media after courses, seminars and workshops, and has, in this way,
contributed to at least making the assaults and infringements known to the public, also internationally.
3.4 RAM 635 Guatemala and Nicaragua
It is difficult to distinguish completely between RAM 605 and RAM 635, because many of the RAM 605 measures also cover human
rights issues, democracy and the peace process. The projects intermesh. It has also obviously contributed to the democratisation
process in Central America that democratic trade unions of journalists have been established and that the journalist training
has improved at several of the universities.
Courses for journalists in democracy, human rights, elections, autonomy and ethnic issues do not create peace and democracy
in themselves. The existing political and economic conditions in the countries are of greater importance in this connection.
But courses and other measures contribute! This has been precisely the point of the whole RAM 635 project.
When we look at the number of courses and participants in the various measures, there can be no doubt that RAM 635 has contributed
to enabling journalists in Guatemala and Nicaragua to integrate human rights issues in their journalistic work.
Whether the courses have strengthened the position of the press in relation to forces which work against democratic development
and the independence of the press is difficult to measure. Strong economic forces work against the democratic development
and freedom of the press in these countries, and in Guatemala?s case, also military powers. One of the measures has been to
invite members of the Armed Forces to attend courses in Guatemala, and this may have contributed to a more democratic attitude
among some. At least a dialogue has been established between the press and these powers. As we have pointed out earlier in
the report, the economic and political powers rule in Central America, and the media are obviously affected by this. All those
with whom we have spoken, however, state that it has become much more common to read and hear about democracy and human rights
issues in the media in recent years.
Meeting of Objective ? RAM 635 Nicaragua
In Nicaragua, RAM 635 has basically been concentrated on measures in the North and South Atlantic Region. Journalists who
have attended courses and the degree course in journalism at URACCAN have all been taught about the Acts and rules which apply
to human rights and ethnic issues. (See the enclosed curriculum list from URACCAN). The students we met were very interested
in their own ethnic culture, and they were eager to learn more about the rights which the Autonomy Acts grant the population
on the coast. The journalism students whom we met were a proud bunch.
In Nicaragua, several radio courses have been held, and we could see and hear with our own eyes and ears that the population
participated actively in the programmes. They came to the studios and phoned in to debate programmes. There is an abundance
of radio stations in Nicaragua and people listen to radio a lot. The position of radio is strong. It goes without saying that
the capital powers are also aware of this and they are taking over more and more stations. Unfortunately, this has the effect
that the broadcasts are characterised more by entertainment than by information. We know this situation in Norway as well.
Fortunately, there are still many independent stations, and they still have great support among listeners according to ratings
surveys which we saw. As mentioned previously, the trade union SNPN has an interesting plan to set up its own journalist-controlled
radio station in Managua.
Meeting of Objective ? RAM 635 Guatemala
According to the Human Rights Representative in Guatemala, the NJ/IFJ projects have contributed actively to the peace and
democratisation process in the country through schooling of journalists and others, including also military people, in human
rights and democracy issues. According to the Norwegian Ambassador in Guatemala, Arne Aasheim, the course activities have
strengthened the role of the media and the journalists on Guatemala?s long road towards democracy.
According to people who work in the UN system and representatives of NGOs who have worked in Guatemala for a long period of
time, there has been a notable increase in the coverage of human rights cases in the Guatemalan media. Whether this can be
attributed to RAM 635 in its entirety is uncertain, but there can be no doubt that it has contributed to this. According to
the Human Rights Representative, the quality of the media reporting on infringements of human rights has also improved considerably.
The press organisation has also itself become better at protesting against pressure and assaults and infringements of rights.
Generally, good close relations have developed between the Human Rights Representative and the independent press in Guatemala.
Today they can be seen as allies. NJ/IFJ have, among other things, arranged for a mutually binding agreement to be drawn up
between the press organisations and the Human Rights Representative.
Guatemalan radio and TV media are dominated by Spanish-language broadcasts. The Human Rights Representative has, on several
occasions, pointed out the necessity of developing broadcasts in several of the local Indian languages. So far, no such project
has been realised, but the former Nobel Prize winner, Rigoberta Menchu, has made funds available for the implementation of
a radio project. It is extremely important that information about the new Guatemala reaches people in the rural districts
through the medium which they use the most, i.e. radio.
There is only one single Indian-language newspaper, despite the fact that six million of the country?s inhabitants are Maya
Indians. El Regional is published in three Maya languages and in Spanish. The newspaper receives support from the Norwegian
Trade Union Centre for Social Science and Research, FAFO.
Some of the course activities of NJ/IFJ have been conducted in Maya language. This is a neglected area in which the efforts
can obviously be strengthened.
There will be no peace and democracy in Guatemala without a strengthening of Maya languages and culture.
NJ/IFJ?s Offices in Caracas and Guatemala
The reason for setting up the NJ/IFJ office in Caracas, Venezuela, has been dealt with in detail in Hagvaag/Haugstveit?s evaluation
report from 1995, pp. 38 ? 43. (See Appendix 6).
After 1995, the activities at the office were gradually reduced, and the office has now been closed. Regional representative
Katia Gil is now working for IFJ from her home office. Her present contract with IFJ expires at the end of 1999.
The regional office in Guatemala was set up in connection with RAM 635 in 1995. The project co-ordinator has always been Elsy
Manzanares from Venezuela. She previously worked at the Caracas office and was familiar with NJ/IFJ?s project work. She has
run the office and the activities in Central America for three years together with a locally employed secretary. Guatemala
City was obviously the right choice of location for a regional office in Central America, in particular in view of Norway?s
important role in the peace process in the country. The co-operation with the Norwegian Embassy has also been good throughout.
The project activities in Central America have increased considerably since the office was set up. It is sufficient to refer
to the complex network for journalist training at the Central American universities. (See statistics, Appendix 7)
It is important to include in the picture that the offices have had a co-ordinating and administrative function for other
organisations and measures than the purely NJ/NORAD-financed projects. The offices have managed projects and measures for
the Swedish Federation of Trade Unions (LO), DANIDA, the EU, UNESCO, the German foundation Stiftung Friedrich Ebert, Radio
Nederland, CECI from Canada plus a large number of international and Latin American radio, TV and press organisations. Last
year, the offices organised, for example, Festival de Radio in Brazil with more than 800 participants from the whole of Latin
America.
The offices of NJ/IFJ are the only trade union offices which carry on such extensive course co-operation across the national
borders in Latin America. All the representatives of trade unions, press organisations and human rights organisations emphasise
the considerable efforts made and work performed by these offices.
Meeting of Objective ? Local Takeover of the Regional Office
The intention was that IFJ?s regional office was to be closed down when RAM 605 was concluded and that the regional work was
to be co-ordinated from one of the local trade unions in the region. This objective has not been met, the reason being that
none of the trade unions in the region are sufficiently strong to undertake such an assignment at the present time. Only the
unions of journalists in Peru, Brazil, Venezuela and Argentina have employed representatives. However, these officials have
more than enough to do in their own unions. Nor do the trade unions have resources to set up and man a regional office.
Most trade union officials have full-time jobs in addition to their trade union work. Many are, with good reason, afraid of
losing their jobs because they are trade union activists. Even well-organised trade unions like the ones in Nicaragua and
El Salvador need a lot of support to hold courses and seminars. They quite simply lack experience in project management.
The co-ordination work in the region is very demanding and requires in-depth knowledge of the conditions in the individual
countries in addition to journalistic and trade union competence.
There is no reason to hide the fact that there is a good deal of internal rivalry in many Latin American trade unions.
RAM 605 has obviously contributed to qualify local journalists to become better and more efficient trade union officials.
But more time, experience and resources are required in order for the local trade union officials to be able to assume the
tasks of running a regional office. Even though trade unions of journalists have been formed in 18 countries in Latin America
since the NJ/IFJ office was set up, we must not forget that most of the trade unions are quite weak. They have few members
and, for this reason and other reasons, poor finances.
If we are to mention one person who could be a relevant candidate in possible future co-operation in Central America, it must
be Secretary General Sergio Espinoza of the Nicaraguan trade union. He is an excellent administrator and builder of bridges
in the highly politicised Nicaragua. It was obvious that he enjoyed great respect among his colleagues in all camps.
A regional office without support from NJ/IFJ will not have the capacity to monitor and support the further training work
and the trade union work in the national unions.
Conclusions and Recommendations
The RAM 605 and RAM 635 projects have been run for 10 years, and NJ/IFJ/NORAD have carried on trade union formation activities,
further training courses, basic training in journalism and schooling in human rights issues, democracy and the peace process
in virtually the whole of Latin America through this 10-year period. National, democratic trade unions of journalists have
been formed in 18 countries.
There is a risk that many of these activities will collapse now that the projects have been completed. In some countries such
as Peru, Venezuela, Brazil and Argentina, the project seems to have become more or less self-supporting, but in many, many
other, more resource-poor countries, the activities will cease completely if the financial and professional support disappears.
Norway has a special responsibility for the peace process in Central America, and we hope that this report shows that, through
RAM 605 and RAM 635, NJ/IFJ/NORAD have contributed to strengthening freedom of speech, democracy and popular participation.
Therefore, we recommend that Norway continue its commitment to supporting a free and independent press. This can be achieved
in several ways:
If NORAD wants to have support for freedom of speech through a free and independent press as one of its objectives for the
activities in the region, the local embassies in Guatemala and Nicaragua can take over much of the existing co-operation with
local press organisations and trade unions in the region. Elsy Manzanares and Katia Gil are more than willing to contribute
to this process becoming efficient and smooth. There is little reason to "reinvent the wheel". However, we realise that doubts
can be raised about whether it is correct to "dump" NJ?s work in the regions on NORAD in this way. But it may in any case
be an interesting solution.
NORAD can continue the measures in RAM 605 and RAM 635 with direct financing through IFJ?s Project Co-ordinator in Brussels,
Bettina Peters. Project Co-ordinator Katia Gil is, in fact, already in place in Caracas until the year 2000.
Another solution could be to continue the co-operation with the already established partners through another Norwegian organisation
than NJ. Prospective candidates could be the Forum for Freedom of Speech (which already carries on freedom of speech activities
in Latin America) or the Norwegian People?s Relief Association, which is also in place on the continent with its own local
representatives.
In our opinion, it would be more or less meaningless simply to shelve such a successful project as this. It would quite simply
be irresponsible. We understand that NJ wants to scale down its activities in Latin America after ten years? involvement in
the region. But this must not mean that Norway, which attaches such great importance to human rights issues in its foreign
policy, can leave this project to its own devices.
Antigua, Guatemala
30 January 1999
Frode Rekve, Kristin Havgar

